placestats

Share White, not Hispanic and Republican swing, 2000 to 2024

A county is not a voter. Read either way, this says one thing and no more. Counties that voted more Republican also tend to differ on the other measure, and counties that voted less Republican tend to differ the other way. It does not follow that the people who voted that way are the people with the different score. Making that leap is called the ecological fallacy: reading a pattern across places as a fact about individual people. It is the most common misuse of exactly this data. How a county votes also goes so closely with its density, age and education that much of what looks political here is really those. That is what the adjusted figures are for. The vote shares run from 2000 to 2024, and the links here are measured in 2023.

Where Share White, not Hispanic is higher, Republican swing, 2000 to 2024 tends to be higher. The link is moderate: +0.43 across 3,091 counties, on a scale from −1 (opposite) to +1 (in step). That figure compares places with the same population density, income and education, so those differences can't explain it. It holds inside states too. Measured separately within each of 39 states, the middle value of the link is +0.34.

Holds after adjusting

Every place, plotted

One dot for each place reporting both measures. Hover over or tap a dot to see its name and values. The thin line is the straight line that best fits the dots. The bold line, shown for counties, is the link after adjusting for density, income and education. A dot far from the lines is a place that does not follow the pattern.

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What each measure is

Share White, not Hispanic

The percentage of residents who are White alone and not Hispanic or Latino. It comes from a table that sorts people by both race and Hispanic origin, so nobody is counted twice. The eight race and ethnicity shares here add up to exactly 100% in every county.

Census ACS 5-year · ACS table B03002_003, divided by total population

Republican swing, 2000 to 2024

The change in the Republican share of the two-party presidential vote from 2000 to 2024, in percentage points. Positive means the area moved toward Republicans. That is a different question from which party it votes for.

MIT Election Data and Science Lab · MIT county presidential returns

Highest and lowest

Where each measure is highest and lowest among the places reporting both (2023), with the other measure beside it. This is shown for every size of place where both are published. Metro-area values are added up from their counties. A measure that cannot be added up across counties, such as a middle value (median), has no metro figure. Counts are shown per 1,000 residents, since raw totals would only list the largest places. Cities and towns and ZIP codes are shown where the Census survey or the CDC publishes them; most other sources stop at the county. They are shown for places of 5,000 residents or more, and only where the survey’s margin of error is small enough for the figure to be usable. The CDC publishes its health estimates for cities in a version adjusted for age, so places with older or younger people can be compared fairly, but not for ZIP codes.

Counties

By share White, not Hispanic

Share White, not HispanicRepublican swing, 2000 to 2024
Highest
Blaine County, NE100%-0.319
McPherson County, NE99.4%12.1
Petroleum County, MT99.3%0.887
Rock County, NE98.4%6.04
Garfield County, MT97.8%3.66
Lowest
Starr County, TX2.15%35
Maverick County, TX2.84%24.3
Webb County, TX3.57%8.62
Zapata County, TX4.57%24.3
Hidalgo County, TX6.08%12.3

By republican swing, 2000 to 2024

Share White, not HispanicRepublican swing, 2000 to 2024
Highest
Jackson County, TN92.8%52
Grundy County, TN94.3%50.6
Smith County, TN90.5%50
Mingo County, WV95.3%48.4
Knott County, KY96.6%48.2
Lowest
Rockdale County, GA25.4%-39
Henry County, GA34.6%-33.2
Douglas County, GA32.8%-28.7
Teton County, WY78.9%-25.5
Ouray County, CO89.4%-25.3
States — Republican swing, 2000 to 2024 is not published for states

By share White, not Hispanic

Share White, not HispanicRepublican swing, 2000 to 2024
Highest
Maine90.6%—
Vermont90.6%—
West Virginia90.2%—
New Hampshire87.5%—
Montana84.1%—
Lowest
Puerto Rico0.761%—
Hawaii21.1%—
California34.6%—
New Mexico36.5%—
District of Columbia36.6%—
Metro areas

By share White, not Hispanic

Share White, not HispanicRepublican swing, 2000 to 2024
Highest
Pikeville, KY95.3%41.6
Greenville, OH95.1%17.2
Effingham, IL94.9%12.9
Warren, PA94.9%14.6
Wapakoneta, OH94.8%11.3
Lowest
Rio Grande City-Roma, TX2.15%35
Eagle Pass, TX2.84%24.3
Laredo, TX3.57%8.62
Zapata, TX4.57%24.3
McAllen-Edinburg-Mission, TX6.08%12.3

By republican swing, 2000 to 2024

Share White, not HispanicRepublican swing, 2000 to 2024
Highest
Pikeville, KY95.3%41.6
Scottsboro, AL88.5%37.7
McMinnville, TN83.7%35.4
Rio Grande City-Roma, TX2.15%35
Lewisburg, TN83.5%34
Lowest
Jackson, WY-ID79.2%-25.1
Los Alamos, NM70.3%-23.2
Boulder, CO75.3%-20.7
Austin-Round Rock-San Marcos, TX49.8%-20.6
Lawrence, KS76.5%-17.6
Cities and towns — Republican swing, 2000 to 2024 is not published for cities and towns

By share White, not Hispanic

Share White, not HispanicRepublican swing, 2000 to 2024
Highest
Treasure Lake CDP, PA99.2%—
Litchfield city, IL98.8%—
Cicero town, IN98.2%—
East Harwich CDP, MA98.1%—
Wellston city, OH98.1%—
Lowest
Mecca CDP, CA0%—
Earlimart CDP, CA0%—
Yabucoa zona urbana, PR0%—
San Lorenzo zona urbana, PR0%—
San Isidro comunidad, PR0%—
ZIP codes — Republican swing, 2000 to 2024 is not published for ZIP codes

By share White, not Hispanic

Share White, not HispanicRepublican swing, 2000 to 2024
Highest
ZIP 62056 (Montgomery County, IL)99%—
ZIP 47558 (Daviess County, IN)98.9%—
ZIP 47452 (Orange County, IN)98.7%—
ZIP 44627 (Holmes County, OH)98.6%—
ZIP 24609 (Tazewell County, VA)98.5%—
Lowest
ZIP 00952 (Sabana Seca comunidad, PR)0%—
ZIP 00782 (Comerío Municipio, PR)0%—
ZIP 00780 (Ponce Municipio, PR)0%—
ZIP 00731 (Ponce Municipio, PR)0%—
ZIP 00723 (Patillas Municipio, PR)0%—

Counties furthest from the pattern

Compared with the straight line that best fits all 3,109 counties: the five with far more republican swing, 2000 to 2024 than their share White, not Hispanic would suggest, and the five with far less.

Share White, not HispanicRepublican swing, 2000 to 2024
Above the line
Jackson County, TN92.8%52
Starr County, TX2.15%35
Smith County, TN90.5%50
Grundy County, TN94.3%50.6
Trousdale County, TN80.4%47.1
Below the line
Rockdale County, GA25.4%-39
Ouray County, CO89.4%-25.3
Teton County, WY78.9%-25.5
San Juan County, CO78.8%-25.2
Henry County, GA34.6%-33.2

Two series, one county

Both measures over time for a county you pick. The two charts are stacked, so they share only the years along the bottom. You can pick from the thirty largest counties reporting both. This panel covers 2010–2024, and a measure published only once shows as a single dot.

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Every version of the link

Each row measures the same link, from −1 to +1, in a different way. If the rows mostly agree, the link does not depend on one choice of method.

Before adjusting for anything+0.3183,091 counties reporting both
After adjusting for density, income and education+0.434the part of the link that is not just how urban, rich and educated a place is
Also adjusting for population size+0.409size taken out as well as density
Also comparing only within each state+0.418each county is compared only with others in its own state, so this is no longer a comparison between states
Giving bigger counties more weight+0.351the adjusted link for the average resident rather than the average county. With this weighting, the data counts for about 286 equally weighted counties
Middle value inside single states+0.340the link worked out inside each of 39 states with at least 20 counties reporting
Using ranks, after adjusting+0.440uses each county’s rank, not its value, so a few extreme counties cannot create the link

How much to believe it

Could it be chance?

The p-value is the chance of seeing a link this strong if there were really none. A value of 0.05 or less means the link is unlikely to be chance. Very small values are written in short form: 3.1e-16 means 0.00000000000000031, and the bigger the number after “e-”, the smaller the value. Treating every county as a separate case gives p = 4.9e-142. But counties in the same state tend to resemble each other, so the better figure allows for that: p = 5.7e-6. The site tested 20,910 pairs, and testing so many turns up some flukes. The q-value allows for that too. For this pair it is 4.8e-141.

Do nearby places look alike?

Moran’s I measures how much nearby places look alike: 0 means no map pattern, and higher means neighbours are more similar. For the part of each county that the adjustment leaves unexplained, it is +0.55 (p = 0.001). That unexplained part still clusters on the map. So some regional factor shared by both measures is not accounted for.

Did they change together?

Not measurable: at least one of these is published for too few of the years a change needs (2014–2019 or 2019–2023), or for too few counties in both.

Related pairs

Association only. Nothing here shows that either measure changes the other. This describes counties, not the people in them. Two measures going together across places does not mean the same people have both. How the US county data works · Explore Share White, not Hispanic and Republican swing, 2000 to 2024