placestats

Republican share of the two-party vote, 2012 and Average test score

A county is not a voter. Read either way, this says one thing and no more. Counties that voted more Republican also tend to differ on the other measure, and counties that voted less Republican tend to differ the other way. It does not follow that the people who voted that way are the people with the different score. Making that leap is called the ecological fallacy: reading a pattern across places as a fact about individual people. It is the most common misuse of exactly this data. How a county votes also goes so closely with its density, age and education that much of what looks political here is really those. That is what the adjusted figures are for. The vote shares run from 2000 to 2024, and the links here are measured in 2023.

Where Republican share of the two-party vote, 2012 is higher, Average test score tends to be higher. The link is weak: +0.39 across 2,739 counties, on a scale from −1 (opposite) to +1 (in step). That figure compares places with the same population density, income and education, so those differences can't explain it. It holds inside states too. Measured separately within each of 38 states, the middle value of the link is +0.24.

Holds after adjusting

Every place, plotted

One dot for each place reporting both measures. Hover over or tap a dot to see its name and values. The thin line is the straight line that best fits the dots. The bold line, shown for counties, is the link after adjusting for density, income and education. A dot far from the lines is a place that does not follow the pattern.

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What each measure is

Republican share of the two-party vote, 2012

The Republican candidate's share of the votes for the two main parties in the 2012 presidential election, Romney against Obama. Third-party votes are left out, just as in the other years.

MIT Election Data and Science Lab · MIT county presidential returns

Average test score

How far above or below the national average children here score on tests, in grade levels. Minus one means about a year behind. It reflects everything in children's lives, not only their schools.

Stanford Education Data Archive · SEDA cs_mn_avg_ol

Highest and lowest

Where each measure is highest and lowest among the places reporting both (2023), with the other measure beside it. This is shown for every size of place where both are published. Metro-area values are added up from their counties. A measure that cannot be added up across counties, such as a middle value (median), has no metro figure. Counts are shown per 1,000 residents, since raw totals would only list the largest places. Cities and towns and ZIP codes are shown where the Census survey or the CDC publishes them; most other sources stop at the county. They are shown for places of 5,000 residents or more, and only where the survey’s margin of error is small enough for the figure to be usable. The CDC publishes its health estimates for cities in a version adjusted for age, so places with older or younger people can be compared fairly, but not for ZIP codes.

Counties

By republican share of the two-party vote, 2012

Republican share of the two-party vote, 2012Average test score
Highest
King County, TX96.50.226
Madison County, ID94.20.242
Glasscock County, TX92.30.237
Oldham County, TX91.80.133
Rich County, UT91.70.213
Lowest
Bronx County, NY7.38-0.35
Prince George's County, MD9.31-0.329
Petersburg city, VA9.66-0.54
Jefferson County, MS10.6-0.793
Baltimore city, MD11.3-0.611

By average test score

Republican share of the two-party vote, 2012Average test score
Highest
Forsyth County, GA81.90.713
Norfolk County, MA42.30.652
Morris County, NJ55.50.627
Williamson County, TN73.50.621
Hamilton County, IN67.40.619
Lowest
Todd County, SD20.1-1.21
St. Helena Parish, LA40.1-1.16
Sioux County, ND20-1.15
Allendale County, SC20.3-1.05
Thurston County, NE43-1.02
Metro areas

By republican share of the two-party vote, 2012

Republican share of the two-party vote, 2012Average test score
Highest
Rexburg, ID91.80.112
Vernal, UT91.3-0.0541
Provo-Orem-Lehi, UT900.205
Brigham City, UT-ID89.60.115
Pampa, TX88.3-0.211
Lowest
Rio Grande City-Roma, TX13.1-0.185
Taos, NM18.6-0.384
Santa Cruz-Watsonville, CA20.9-0.26
Las Vegas, NM21.1-0.451
San Francisco-Oakland-Fremont, CA22.40.011

By average test score

Republican share of the two-party vote, 2012Average test score
Highest
Vineyard Haven, MA25.90.583
North Platte, NE710.553
Los Alamos, NM480.543
Sheridan, WY73.90.536
Lewisburg, PA61.80.521
Lowest
Forrest City, AR40.7-0.774
Shawano, WI52.4-0.756
Selma, AL30.1-0.724
Clarksdale, MS25.8-0.69
Eufaula, AL-GA48.2-0.647

Counties furthest from the pattern

Compared with the straight line that best fits all 2,753 counties: the five with far more average test score than their republican share of the two-party vote, 2012 would suggest, and the five with far less.

Republican share of the two-party vote, 2012Average test score
Above the line
Norfolk County, MA42.30.652
Dukes County, MA25.90.583
Falls Church city, VA300.562
Orange County, NC28.60.537
Morris County, NJ55.50.627
Below the line
St. Helena Parish, LA40.1-1.16
Todd County, SD20.1-1.21
Sioux County, ND20-1.15
Thurston County, NE43-1.02
Lee County, AR37.8-0.996

Two series, one county

Both measures over time for a county you pick. The two charts are stacked, so they share only the years along the bottom. You can pick from the thirty largest counties reporting both. This panel covers 2010–2024, and a measure published only once shows as a single dot.

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Every version of the link

Each row measures the same link, from −1 to +1, in a different way. If the rows mostly agree, the link does not depend on one choice of method.

Before adjusting for anything+0.1982,739 counties reporting both
After adjusting for density, income and education+0.387the part of the link that is not just how urban, rich and educated a place is
Also adjusting for population size+0.382size taken out as well as density
Also comparing only within each state+0.513each county is compared only with others in its own state, so this is no longer a comparison between states
Giving bigger counties more weight+0.441the adjusted link for the average resident rather than the average county. With this weighting, the data counts for about 267 equally weighted counties
Middle value inside single states+0.242the link worked out inside each of 38 states with at least 20 counties reporting
Using ranks, after adjusting+0.267uses each county’s rank, not its value, so a few extreme counties cannot create the link

How much to believe it

Could it be chance?

The p-value is the chance of seeing a link this strong if there were really none. A value of 0.05 or less means the link is unlikely to be chance. Very small values are written in short form: 3.1e-16 means 0.00000000000000031, and the bigger the number after “e-”, the smaller the value. Treating every county as a separate case gives p = 1.6e-98. But counties in the same state tend to resemble each other, so the better figure allows for that: p = 1.1e-5. The site tested 20,910 pairs, and testing so many turns up some flukes. The q-value allows for that too. For this pair it is 1.3e-97.

Do nearby places look alike?

Moran’s I measures how much nearby places look alike: 0 means no map pattern, and higher means neighbours are more similar. For the part of each county that the adjustment leaves unexplained, it is +0.49 (p = 0.001). That unexplained part still clusters on the map. So some regional factor shared by both measures is not accounted for.

Did they change together?

Not measurable: at least one of these is published for too few of the years a change needs (2014–2019 or 2019–2023), or for too few counties in both.

Related pairs

Association only. Nothing here shows that either measure changes the other. This describes counties, not the people in them. Two measures going together across places does not mean the same people have both. How the US county data works · Explore Republican share of the two-party vote, 2012 and Average test score