Do Fixed broadband and Liberal democracy go together across countries?

Across 167 countries the link before adjusting for anything is r = +0.58, on a scale from -1 (opposite) to +1 (in step). A version that uses only each country's rank gives +0.54.

Does the link hold within countries over time, not just across countries?

Comparing each country only with itself across 1998-2024, and setting aside what happened worldwide in each year, the link is -0.042 (171 countries, 3,667 country-years). Using year-to-year changes, it is -0.005.

Does Fixed broadband cause Liberal democracy?

This analysis cannot answer that. It shows only that the two go together. A link between two country measures, adjusted or not, does not show that either one changes the other. Country figures also say nothing about individual people.

Fixed broadband vs. Liberal democracy

Fades after adjusting for income

Across 167 countries, Fixed broadband and Liberal democracy rise and fall together at r = +0.58 (on a scale from −1 to +1, where 0 means no link). Comparing only countries with similar income (GDP per person) shrinks it to +0.31, which could easily be chance (q = 0.062, allowing for the many pairs tested, and allowing for countries in the same region being alike). So the first figure mostly shows richer countries differing from poorer ones, not a link between these two things.

Comparing countries across the middle half of liberal democracy, 0.127 to 0.617 points, fixed broadband is better by 17.3 per 100 people at the top of that range than the bottom. Comparing only countries with similar national income, the gap is 6.03 per 100 people.

Link before adjusting (r)+0.583p = 1.5e-16 · 167 countries

After adjusting for national income+0.310p = 4.7e-5 · likely range [+0.17, +0.44]

p, allowing for regions0.006standard error 0.075 · 7 regions

Check for luck (q)0.062across 12,497 pairs

How to read these.r runs from −1 (one goes up as the other goes down) to +1 (they rise together), and 0 means no link. Adjusting for national income means comparing countries with the same GDP per person, so differences in wealth can’t explain the link. Income is used in percentage terms, since an extra $1,000 means more to a poor country than to a rich one. p is how likely a link this strong would be if there were really none. Below 0.05 means it is unlikely to be chance. Very small values are written in short form: 1.1e-32 means a decimal point followed by 31 zeros and then 11, so very close to zero. The likely range is where the true figure probably lies, and a range that crosses zero means the link could easily be chance. Countries in the same region tend to resemble each other, so the third figure allows for that, which gives a fairer p. The standard error is the typical size of the error in r. Finally, testing this many pairs means some will look strong by luck alone. A q below 0.05 means this link is unlikely to be one of those.

Fixed broadband · per 100 peoplelink with income +0.88 · proxy

Liberal democracy · index (0-1)link with income +0.52 · moderate

“Link with income” is how closely each measure tracks GDP per person across countries, from −1 to +1.

Every country as a dot

best-fit line line after adjusting

Four ways to measure the link

Method	r	p	Countries
Standard (Pearson), not adjusted	+0.583	1.5e-16	167
By rank (Spearman), not adjusted	+0.537	7.0e-14	167
Standard (Pearson), adjusted for national income	+0.310	4.7e-5	167
By rank (Spearman), adjusted for national income	+0.200	0.010	167

The rank version uses only each country’s place in line, from lowest to highest, so a few extreme countries count for less. The adjusted and unadjusted versions use the same 167 countries: those that report both measures and GDP per person. So the gap between them comes from the adjustment, not from a change in which countries are counted. Drop in the size of r after adjusting: +0.272 (a minus sign means it grew).

How solid is it?

Leaving out one country at a time, r ranges from +0.278 (without QAT) to +0.353 (without CHN). The bar above shows that range on a scale from −1 to +1, with the solid line at the full result. The single country that moves r most: CHN (+0.042).

Within each region

Countries are not separate, unrelated cases, and neighbors share a lot. A link that holds inside each region is far more believable than one that shows up only when comparing regions.

	n	r
East Asia & Pacific	21	+0.14
Europe & Central Asia	48	+0.32
Latin America & Caribbean	23	+0.53
Middle East, North Africa, Afghanistan & Pakistan	21	+0.34
Sub-Saharan Africa	46	+0.36

By income third

If the link shows up only in the richest third of countries, it is a feature of rich countries, not a general pattern.

	n	r
Poorest third	56	-0.04
Middle third	55	-0.09
Richest third	56	+0.55

By largest religious group

Countries grouped by a label they share, such as main religion, rather than by a number. Groups of fewer than twelve countries are not shown. These groups differ in income, region and history all at once. So a gap between them is a place to start asking questions, not an answer.

	n	r
Christians	99	+0.21
Muslims	47	-0.02

By last european coloniser

	n	r
France	25	-0.03
Never a European colony	21	+0.23
Spain	19	+0.29
United Kingdom	49	+0.49

Without outliers (countries far outside the middle half of countries on either measure, by more than one and a half times the width of that middle half): r = +0.310 after dropping 0 countries.

Two series, one country

Both measures over the years for one country you pick. The two charts are stacked so they share only the years along the bottom.

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Over time, within countries

Everything above compares countries with each other at one moment. This section compares each country only with itself over 27years. So a link here can’t come from anything about a country that stays the same, such as its history, geography, institutions or culture.

Within countries over time, there is no link that is clearly more than chance (r = -0.042, comparing each country only with itself over the years, and each year only with the same year elsewhere). Whatever the cross-country picture shows, countries whose fixed broadband moved did not tend to see their liberal democracy move with it.

Across countries (adjusted)+0.310for comparison

Within countries-0.084each country vs itself

…and vs the same year elsewhere-0.042q = 0.594 · 171 countries

Year-on-year changes-0.005q = 0.867

Read with care.

Almost all of this indicator's variation is between countries, not within them, so the within-country estimate rests on a small part of the data.

3,667 country-years (one country in one year), 171 countries, 1998–2024, about 21 years each on average. Share of the variation that happens within countries over time: 5% for Fixed broadband, 38% for Liberal democracy. The margins of error allow for each country appearing many times, and for each year’s value being close to the year before.

Year-to-year changes are a cautious test, not a final answer. Looking only at changes from one year to the next removes each country’s own trends. But it also makes measurement mistakes louder, which pulls the results toward zero. A near-zero result here is weak evidence of no link, not proof.

With one measure years behind the other

Same year (lag 0): -0.042. A peak away from zero does not show which comes first. These series change slowly — this year’s value is close to last year’s. That makes the curve smooth and nearly symmetric, whatever produced the data. Even a sharp peak at one lag (a gap of some years) would not prove that one measure changes the other.

The data

	per 100 people	index (0-1)	Years
France FRA	48.9	0.8	2024, 2025
Korea, Rep. KOR	47.8	0.739	2024, 2025
China CHN	47.2	0.039	2024, 2025
Switzerland CHE	47	0.843	2024, 2025
Germany DEU	45.6	0.782	2024, 2025
Portugal PRT	45.2	0.717	2024, 2025
Norway NOR	45.2	0.847	2024, 2025
Greece GRC	44.7	0.568	2024, 2025
Malta MLT	44.5	0.621	2024, 2025
Belgium BEL	44.2	0.794	2024, 2025
Saudi Arabia SAU	44.1	0.047	2024, 2025
Denmark DNK	43.4	0.884	2024, 2025
Netherlands NLD	43	0.774	2024, 2025
Canada CAN	42.5	0.736	2024, 2025
United Kingdom GBR	42.2	0.689	2024, 2025

World Bank, World Development Indicators
Coppedge, M. et al., V-Dem Dataset, Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project

Sources

Fixed broadband

Fixed broadband subscriptions (per 100 people)

International Telecommunication Union · CC BY 4.0 · updated quarterly

Subscriptions, not people. A household line counts once, however many people use it. A country that went straight to mobile data can be well connected with few of these lines. Internet users, already on the site, is the measure of people.

Liberal democracy

Liberal democracy index

V-Dem Institute, University of Gothenburg · via Our World in Data · CC BY 4.0 · updated annual

Electoral democracy plus limits on the head of government, independent courts and protected personal freedoms. It contains the electoral democracy index as a part, so the two are built from the same numbers and bound to match.

How this was computed

Data used: most recent value in 2010-2025; values come from 2021–2025. To adjust for income, each measure is first predicted from GDP per person (in percentage terms, on a log scale) with a straight-line fit. Only what is left over is then compared. This is called a partial correlation. The line is drawn the standard way (ordinary least squares), which picks the line that comes closest to all the countries at once. The error margins allow for countries in the same region resembling each other, using 7 World Bank regions. The q-value corrects for testing all 12,497 pairs at once, using the Benjamini–Hochberg method. Underlying data last updated DYB 2024. How the country data works · explore Fixed broadband and Liberal democracy

This page shows that two measures go together. It does not show that Fixed broadband changes Liberal democracy, or the reverse. These figures also describe countries, not individual people. See the ecological fallacy.