Do Divorce rate (UN) and Indigenous American ancestry go together across countries?

Across 73 countries the link before adjusting for anything is r = -0.26, on a scale from -1 (opposite) to +1 (in step). A version that uses only each country's rank gives -0.24.

Does the link hold within countries over time, not just across countries?

There are not enough years of data within countries to check this over time.

Does Divorce rate (UN) cause Indigenous American ancestry?

This analysis cannot answer that. It shows only that the two go together. A link between two country measures, adjusted or not, does not show that either one changes the other. Country figures also say nothing about individual people.

Divorce rate (UN) vs. Indigenous American ancestry

Holds up after adjusting for income

A country is not a person, and ancestry is not destiny. Countries where more people have ancestors from one part of the world also tend to differ on the other measure, and that is all. It does notfollow that people with that ancestry are the people with the different score. Making that leap is called the ecological fallacy: reading a pattern across places as a fact about individual people. Ancestry also goes very closely with region and with history, including colonisation and the Atlantic slave trade, and with national income. So much of what looks like ancestry here is really those. That is what the adjusted figures and the region-by-region view are for. The shares are one estimate, for around the year 2000, of where people’s ancestors lived in 1500, not how anyone identifies.

Across 73 countries, Divorce rate (UN) and Indigenous American ancestry rise and fall together at r = -0.26 (on a scale from −1 to +1, where 0 means no link). It holds up almost unchanged when only countries with similar income (GDP per person) are compared (r = -0.28, q = 0.030, allowing for the many pairs tested). Caution: much weaker within regions than across them (largely a between-region difference).

Link before adjusting (r)-0.260p = 0.026 · 73 countries

After adjusting for national income-0.278p = 0.018 · likely range [-0.48, -0.05]

p, allowing for regions0.347standard error 0.268 · 6 regions

Check for luck (q)0.030across 13,797 pairs

How to read these.r runs from −1 (one goes up as the other goes down) to +1 (they rise together), and 0 means no link. Adjusting for national income means comparing countries with the same GDP per person, so differences in wealth can’t explain the link. Income is used in percentage terms, since an extra $1,000 means more to a poor country than to a rich one. p is how likely a link this strong would be if there were really none. Below 0.05 means it is unlikely to be chance. Very small values are written in short form: 1.1e-32 means a decimal point followed by 31 zeros and then 11, so very close to zero. The likely range is where the true figure probably lies, and a range that crosses zero means the link could easily be chance. Countries in the same region tend to resemble each other, so the third figure allows for that, which gives a fairer p. The standard error is the typical size of the error in r. Finally, testing this many pairs means some will look strong by luck alone. A q below 0.05 means this link is unlikely to be one of those.

Divorce rate (UN) · divorces per 1,000 peoplelink with income +0.07 · independent

Indigenous American ancestry · % of populationlink with income +0.11 · independent

Neither of these is closely tied to national income, so adjusting for income is a real test here, not a formality.

“Link with income” is how closely each measure tracks GDP per person across countries, from −1 to +1.

Every country as a dot

best-fit line line after adjusting

Four ways to measure the link

Method	r	p	Countries
Standard (Pearson), not adjusted	-0.260	0.026	73
By rank (Spearman), not adjusted	-0.239	0.042	73
Standard (Pearson), adjusted for national income	-0.278	0.018	73
By rank (Spearman), adjusted for national income	-0.249	0.035	73

The rank version uses only each country’s place in line, from lowest to highest, so a few extreme countries count for less. The adjusted and unadjusted versions use the same 73 countries: those that report both measures and GDP per person. So the gap between them comes from the adjustment, not from a change in which countries are counted. Drop in the size of r after adjusting: -0.018 (a minus sign means it grew).

How solid is it?

Leaving out one country at a time, r ranges from -0.309 (without CRI) to -0.215 (without PER). The bar above shows that range on a scale from −1 to +1, with the solid line at the full result. The single country that moves r most: PER (+0.063).

Fragile: this link may not hold up.

much weaker within regions than across them (largely a between-region difference)

Within each region

Countries are not separate, unrelated cases, and neighbors share a lot. A link that holds inside each region is far more believable than one that shows up only when comparing regions.

	n	r
Europe & Central Asia	44	-0.07

By income third

If the link shows up only in the richest third of countries, it is a feature of rich countries, not a general pattern.

	n	r
Poorest third	25	-0.40
Middle third	24	-0.28
Richest third	24	-0.26

By largest religious group

Countries grouped by a label they share, such as main religion, rather than by a number. Groups of fewer than twelve countries are not shown. These groups differ in income, region and history all at once. So a gap between them is a place to start asking questions, not an answer.

	n	r
Christians	47	-0.45

By last european coloniser

	n	r
United Kingdom	15	-0.31

Without outliers (countries far outside the middle half of countries on either measure, by more than one and a half times the width of that middle half): r = -0.307 after dropping 4 countries.

Two series, one country

Both measures over the years for one country you pick. The two charts are stacked so they share only the years along the bottom.

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Over time, within countries

Everything above compares countries with each other at one moment. This section compares each country only with itself over 0years. So a link here can’t come from anything about a country that stays the same, such as its history, geography, institutions or culture.

Not enough history inside each country to look at this over time. That needs countries measured for several years in a row, and at least one of these measures is measured too rarely.

The data

	divorces per 1,000 people	% of population	Years
Russian Federation RUS	4.65	0%	2013, 2000
Moldova MDA	3.92	0%	2024, 2000
Belarus BLR	3.81	0%	2024, 2000
Georgia GEO	3.66	0%	2024, 2000
Ukraine UKR	2.93	0%	2021, 2000
Latvia LVA	2.85	0%	2024, 2000
Mauritius MUS	2.51	0%	2024, 2000
Egypt, Arab Rep. EGY	2.5	0%	2022, 2000
Costa Rica CRI	2.48	29.7%	2024, 2000
Lithuania LTU	2.47	0%	2024, 2000
Dominican Republic DOM	2.43	3.6%	2024, 2000
Iran, Islamic Rep. IRN	2.41	0%	2022, 2000
Turkiye TUR	2.19	0%	2024, 2000
Denmark DNK	2.16	0%	2024, 2000
Finland FIN	2.11	0%	2024, 2000

United Nations Statistics Division, Demographic Yearbook, 2017 to 2024 editions: tables of marriages and crude marriage rates, and of divorces and crude divorce rates, by urban/rural residence.
Putterman, L. and Weil, D. N. (2010), 'Post-1500 Population Flows and the Long-Run Determinants of Economic Growth and Inequality', Quarterly Journal of Economics 125(4); World Migration Matrix version 1.1 (2009).

Sources

Divorce rate (UN)

Crude divorce rate, countries with complete registration

United Nations Statistics Division · UNdata terms of use · updated annual (each edition covers the latest five years)

Divorces granted in the year per 1,000 people, from the same UN Demographic Yearbook collection and with the same rule: only countries whose register the UN rates as at least 90% complete. It is a crude rate, counted against everyone, not just married people. So a country where few people marry can have few divorces without its marriages lasting any longer. Countries where divorce is rare by law or custom and countries where it is simply not recorded can look alike. The United States is left out: its divorce counts miss six states, but the rate is worked out over the whole population. No "better" direction is set.

Indigenous American ancestry

Indigenous American ancestry (share of the population)

Louis Putterman and David N. Weil, Brown University · No licence stated; used with citation · updated one edition (version 1.1, 2009)

The estimated share of today's population whose ancestors in the year 1500 lived in the Americas, whose people in 1500 were all Indigenous. This is the closest thing to race shares that can be compared across countries: national censuses each use their own race and ethnic categories, and most countries record none. It is about where people's ancestors lived, not how anyone identifies, and it is one estimate for around the year 2000, built from history, migration records and genetic studies. Every country's six ancestry shares add up to 100%, so they are linked to each other by arithmetic. No "better" direction is set.

How this was computed

Data used: most recent value in 2010-2025; values come from 2000–2024. To adjust for income, each measure is first predicted from GDP per person (in percentage terms, on a log scale) with a straight-line fit. Only what is left over is then compared. This is called a partial correlation. The line is drawn the standard way (ordinary least squares), which picks the line that comes closest to all the countries at once. The error margins allow for countries in the same region resembling each other, using 6 World Bank regions. The q-value corrects for testing all 13,797 pairs at once, using the Benjamini–Hochberg method. Underlying data last updated DYB 2024. How the country data works · explore Divorce rate (UN) and Indigenous American ancestry

This page shows that two measures go together. It does not show that Divorce rate (UN) changes Indigenous American ancestry, or the reverse. These figures also describe countries, not individual people. See the ecological fallacy.